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I wrote this article a few days ago. Things are moving fast in Bangkok. Already, Samak was removed by his party. Maybe next week he will return to power again. Abangan…
The street protests in Bangkok can be easily dismissed as anti-democracy. The protesters who occupied Thailand’s Government House are not only demanding the ouster of an elected leader, they want a Parliament whose members are largely appointed by a governing body. Various commentators from around the world have pointed out that these demands would legitimize mob rule.
The People's Alliance for Democracy or PAD, which is the organizer of the rallies, is described by the press as right-wing. This is regrettable since just two years ago PAD had a solid base among peoples’ organizations. Many of its members are veteran activists who led the student movement in the early 1970s. What happened to PAD? Is it still a genuine voice of Thailand’s empowered citizens? Or has it regressed into a corrupt organization with strong ties in the military and other factions of the elite?
Thailand’s embattled Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej has been portraying himself as a defender of western-style democracy. He has vowed to remain as leader of a free and democratic nation. He was praised for preventing bloodshed in Bangkok by ordering the police to show restraint when engaging the protesters. These are some of the reasons why Samak is secretly supported by foreign residents of Thailand.
There are almost no options available to resolve the political stalemate in Thailand. PAD would not leave the Government House. Samak would not resign. The military does not want to intervene. Thailand’s King, who is revered by all, is surprisingly silent. A referendum was proposed by the ruling party but it was flatly rejected by PAD and the opposition.
The situation in Thailand is volatile. Political forces are still vying for dominance. The current crisis could be used by an ascendant radical force to implement sweeping reforms in Thai society. The progressive movement must grab this opportunity to influence Thai politics. If it failed to seize tactical leadership, reactionary forces or the status quo would prevail.
The most organized group which can challenge the ruling order is PAD. If PAD’s leadership and tactics are not acceptable to grassroots organizations, then the progressive movement must assert its voice inside PAD, which used to be a multisectoral alliance of anti-government groups.
PAD is ridiculed by the foreign media. But local journalists have shown some sympathies to the PAD-led rallies. Samak has accused the local media of being biased in favor of the protesters. Maybe PAD’s statements were understood by the local population which the foreigners could not decipher.
The initial criticism against PAD should be reviewed. While it is correct to highlight the excesses committed by PAD members, they should be put into context. Out of the 25,000 protesters who stormed the Government House, only few people displayed violent behavior. If the police showed restraint, the protesters were generally peaceful as well. Two weeks of continuous protest actions have produced only pockets of violence in the streets of Bangkok.
That PAD is able to sustain its activities for two weeks already is proof of its capability to gather more than enough warm bodies and logistics. It is extremely difficult to organize a big rally, sustain the crowd, and raise resources for the everyday needs of the protesters. Its either PAD has wealthy financiers or it has genuine support from ordinary citizens. This issue is debatable. But it cannot be denied that PAD has committed members who are manning the barricades in Bangkok.
It is also impressive that PAD succeeded in getting the support of airline employees, railway workers and other big unions in the country. PAD has paralyzed three airports and disrupted rail travel for several days. In the eyes of many foreigners and residents as well, these were anarchic activities. These were not good for business. But maybe the protesters really wanted to create a situation of manageable chaos in the country to show the world that Samak could no longer govern effectively.
There are few instances in the world wherein rallyists were able to occupy a government building, disrupt public transportation, and sustain street protests for two weeks. PAD is still in the streets and has promised bigger actions in the future. PAD is aware it has provided a blueprint on how to launch an urban uprising in the 21s century. Note for instance the diploma of ‘New Political Revolution’ being sold by some enterprising individuals to participants of the PAD-led rallies.
PAD has already clarified that it is not against democracy. What it opposes is Western-style capitalism and its excesses. The rough translation of “toon niyom samarn” which is a PAD slogan is “filthy capitalism”. PAD condemns the corrupt practices of former leader Thaksin Shinawatra. They accuse Thaksin and other politicians of using the state machinery to enrich themselves.
Perhaps PAD’s disdain against western-style elections is also symbolic for the failure of liberal democracy to solve the problems that afflict a Third World nation like Thailand. Maybe PAD made the mistake of believing that the ouster of Samak, the return of a military-led government, and the establishment of an appointed Parliament are the only possible alternatives to the dominant system. PAD has not lost hope on democracy; it wants a new form of democracy. But it failed to be progressive enough, and it lacked a proper radical imagination, which led to its dependence on the military institution to cure the ills that plague Thai society.
Here enters the need for a progressive mass movement in Thailand. A left-wing agenda needs to be articulated. The anti-government campaign must include a broad range of peoples’ issues and the roots of the political and economic instability must be addressed. Otherwise, the crisis in Thailand will continue to worsen even if a new government is established in the future.
Related entries:
Saucy Samak
Battle of the streets
