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Name: mong palatino
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Wednesday, 23 July 2008
ARMM and poll automation

Links: Modern architecture in Siem Reap, Cambodia. Save Malacca Straits Project. Singapore freeze. Private and public schools in Brunei.

Yehey photos, and look for me.

President Gloria Arroyo supports the proposal to postpone the elections in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. This is a cue for administration lawmakers to immediately pass a law that would postpone the polls once Congress reopens on Monday. This is possible. Last year the first act of Congress was to postpone the barangay and SK elections.

If the ARMM polls are to be postponed, the poll automation program of the Commission on Elections will not be pilot tested on a bigger geographical/regional setting. The Comelec and election reform advocates are hoping that the lessons culled from using the new voting and counting machines in the ARMM polls will be used to prepare for the very important 2010 national elections. I fear that the delay in the ARMM polls will be cited by traditional politicians and political dynasties to call for the cancellation of the poll automation in 2010.

If there is a common thread in the brief (or long) history of poll automation in the country, it is the unbelievable, almost silly, series of flip-flops in implementing the election modernization law. Politicians were able to concoct numerous arguments in order to derail poll automation which justified the continued use of the fraud-prone manual system of voting.

History of (non) automation

Below is a timeline of the campaign to automate Philippine elections:

1995 - Republic Act 8046 authorizes pilot testing of a Computerized Election System in the ARMM.

1996 - Pilot test succeeds. Many have already forgotten this successful pilot testing of a computerized system of elections in the country.

1997 - Republic Act 8436 authorizes use of an Automated Election System beginning with the 1998 elections. However, the law was passed on December 1997. The Comelec claimed it was too late to prepare for the May 1998 polls.

1998 - Due to lack of time, only the elections in Lanao Del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi were automated. The results were successful in all provinces except Sulu. There was a slight problem with the voting ballots (not voting machines) in Sulu. The Sulu fiasco convinced many people about the many flaws of an automated system of elections.

2001 - Automation project stalled due to repeated failed biddings. And of course, the convenient excuse: lack of time to prepare for the 2001 midterm polls. Should we blame the Edsa Dos?

2004 - Automation project stalled due to the Supreme Court decision (January 2004) which annulled the contract with suppliers. More than 1,000 voting machines were shelved. Remember the late night news report which showed the gloomy face of then Comelec chairman Benjamin Abalos after he met with the president in Malacanang Palace? According to news reports, he was ready to resign as Comelec head due to the failed automation project but he was persuaded to remain in the poll body.

2005 - The SC denied the request of Comelec to operate the unused voting machines in the 2005 ARMM elections.

2006 - No budget for automation project because of a re-enacted national budget.

2007 - Still no budget for automation. RA 9369 amends RA 8436 and allows the use of several voting technologies. But Comelec's Advisory Council advised against implementation of the RA 9369 in the May 2007 polls, citing lack of time. The new law was not implemented in the barangay elections since no consolidation of election results was required. Comelec also said hand counting is faster due to small size of voters in the barangay polls.

ARMM elections

The 2008 ARMM elections is the best time to test the Comelec’s new voting and counting machines. Comelec will gain valuable experience or expertise in operating the machines. A successful automated ARMM election will prove to everyone the necessity of automating the 2010 presidential elections.

Two voting technologies will be used in next month’s ARMM elections - Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) in Maguindanao, and Optical Mark Reader (OMR) in Lanao del Sur, Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. More than 3,000 DRE machines and 156 OMR counting machines will be delivered to ARMM.

According to Comelec, “DRE uses electronic ballot, records votes by means of a ballot display provided with mechanical or electro optical components that can be activated by the voter, processes data by means of a computer program, records voting data and ballot images, and transmits voting results electronically.”

I think the DRE system is more reliable than OMR which still uses paper ballots. But DRE is more expensive which explains why it will be deployed only in Maguindanao. On the other hand, the OMR process has lower requirements in hardware.

The Comelec expects to proclaim a new set of ARMM officers in 36 hours after the closing of voting centers.

Comelec admits that poll automation will not end electoral cheating in the country. The OMR system will prevent vote padding but vote shaving is possible (Walang dagdag, pero mayroong bawas). Filipino politicians are creative; they will find evil but clever ways to tamper the results of the automated elections. But this is not an argument to abandon the poll automation program. It is a challenge to everyone to be more vigilant in safeguarding the sanctity of the voting process.

Congress should think twice before postponing the ARMM polls. If the postponement of elections is really crucial for the peace talks, then Comelec must be ready to pilot test the voting machines this year. A special election, a plebiscite, a snap election should be held in lieu of the ARMM polls. A presidential snap election?


Related entries:

ARMM situationer
2007 election events
All power to the barangays

posted by: mongpalatino at July 23, 2008 23:16 | link | comments |
nation

Tuesday, 22 July 2008
Sex, lies, murder and Malaysian politics

Links: Brunei's half-day energy conservation marathon. Military torture in Malaysia. Feather-boa bicycle bandits in Vietnam. The official mouthpiece of Myanmar's junta.

Thanks Erwin of Inquirer for writing about the poll automation briefing event last Saturday.


Malaysian politics are sizzling with sex intrigues, murder accusations, scandalous lies and intra-party squabbles.

A few months ago a government minister resigned after admitting he was the person caught in a videotape having sex with a young woman in a hotel. The video was uploaded on the Internet.

Early this month opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was accused of sodomy by his 23-year-old aide. Sodomy is a crime in Malaysia, punishable by 20 years of imprisonment. The victim alleged he was sexually assaulted by Anwar up to eight times in various luxury hotels in Paris and Hong Kong. This is the second time the former deputy premier was accused of sodomy. The first case was filed ten years ago and led to Anwar’s imprisonment – although he was later cleared of those charges.

But Anwar has a bombshell of his own. He organized a press conference at which a private investigator revealed that Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak had sex with a 28-year-old Mongolian model who was brutally murdered in 2006. The model was shot twice in the head and her body was blown up with plastic explosives. Najib denied having an affair with the woman.

Najib’s close associate was accused of abetting the murder. A prominent Malaysian blogger also wrote that Najib’s wife was present when the Mongolian model was murdered. The blogger was subsequently charged with sedition and criminal defamation.

Who is telling the truth? It is definite that at least one of these persons is lying. It is also apparent that all of these accusations and counter accusations are politically motivated. Najib insists Anwar used a desperate tactic to divert the people’s attention from his sodomy case. On his part, Anwar believes the sodomy charge was part of a government maneuver to defeat the plan of the opposition to seize power this year.

Before the sex scandals, Malaysia was already facing a political crisis. Last March the opposition managed to secure one-third of the parliamentary seats. Five states were put under their control. Some member parties of the ruling coalition threatened to withdraw support for the prime minister.

Adding to the problem of the government is the resignation of former Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad from the political party to which he belonged. He urged other politicians to leave the ruling party as well. It is no secret that Mahathir is not happy with the performance of his handpicked successor, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi.

Mahathir wrote in his blog that he has every right to be concerned over the “flip-flopping mismanagement” of the country and that of the party he helped to revive in 1987. “The party does not belong to Dato Seri Abdullah alone. Nor is it meant to support him as leader even when he mishandled the elections and the country,” he added.

Before the sex scandals, Malaysians were talking about the country’s faltering economy. Fuel subsidies were removed, which led to higher oil prices. Big protests were held in different parts of the country. Many people, including the frustrated sections of the middle class, began to question the economic policies of the government which they blamed for the rising cost of living in Malaysia.

Today Malaysians are more interested in the sodomy case and other sex scandals involving influential persons. The economic crisis is still a major issue, but sex and murder will always tickle the people’s imagination.

The opposition should not be distracted by the sex scandals. Analysts believe the opposition can form a new government with the help of some administration defectors. This could be done in the next few months, but the pressure against the ruling government must be sustained.

One way to weaken the already weak government would be to mobilize the people against high oil prices, inflation, the deteriorating economy and corruption. Young Malaysians are furious over the shameful acts of their leaders. The people should be made to remember why they voted for many members of the opposition in the last elections. In short, the issue should be refocused on the unpopular prime minister.

Abdullah Badawi had earlier promised to step down at the end of the year. Now he is saying he will leave office in 2010. It seems the ruling party has succeeded in preventing a possible opposition takeover this year.

It is good that Anwar is asking his supporters to “protest by all means," and to use stadiums and other public spaces as venues of protest actions. But the issue should be more than just the sex lives of politicians. It should still be about the economy and more importantly, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi.

Related entries:

Malaysia and fuel protests
Sex and youth
Chacha and political crisis

posted by: mongpalatino at July 22, 2008 12:22 | link | comments |
places

Sunday, 20 July 2008
Unholy war vs. abortionists

Links: Cambodia’s new banknote. The Sabah Fest Cultural Show. Yahoo360 is very popular in Vietnam. Cluster bombs in the fields of Laos.

Thank you James for organizing a special briefing on poll automation. Thank you to all the bloggers who attended the event, especially to the students of UP Manila and De La Salle-Dasmariñas. Will write about the event this week.


Was the Catholic Church provoked when it threatened to withhold the giving of communion to politicians supporting the reproductive health bill? I think so.

Normally the church is satisfied in expressing its vehement opposition to the reproductive health bill through press statements and subtle threats directed to politicians. And the Catholic bishops have a direct line to Malacañang. They could easily nudge the devout Catholic and pragmatic president to kill the bill.

But why the sudden severe gesture of withholding communion to reproductive health advocates?
Perhaps the bishops realized that public opinion seems to be in favor of the bill. They panicked when they saw the handwritings on the wall. Bishops are not just bible readers and PAGCOR cash recipients; they are also newspaper readers. They might have read the news story about the priest who received an unusual mass offering: a dead fetus inside a bottle. Maybe this “message in a bottle” was interpreted by the bishops as an act of provocation initiated by diehard reproductive health adherents. And so the bishops replied with their own act of hostility. A message was sent: The bishops will not easily give up the holy war against the “conceptual abortionists.”

There were other instances which could have persuaded the bishops to rethink their political strategy. The dead fetus incident may have jolted the bishops into action but the throwing of a dead baby in a building, the long lines in front of NFA rice stores, and the early campaigning of presidentiables may have convinced church leaders about the need for drastic and early intervention to prevent Congress from approving the reproductive health bill.

How is the food crisis related to the population issue? Rising food prices has forced the government in recent months to review its agricultural policies. At the same time, politicians and several scholars have also raised the issue of overpopulation. They claimed that a high population growth rate worsens hunger and poverty in the country. The long lines in front of NFA rice stores throughout the country highlight the large number of people dependent on subsidized rice. Maybe the bishops realized their enemies might use the daily spectacle in front of NFA stores to explain the difficulty of feeding more than 90 million people. Maybe they sensed that if Congress passed the reproductive health bill, the Catholic faithful, even the hungry poor, will have no qualms in using artificial contraceptive methods. They have to act decisively.

The church is an influential endorser during elections. Politicians are always eager to get the support of Catholic bishops. The church directive to deny communion to select politicians can be construed as an election-related action. Maybe the bishops did not expect that presidential candidates will campaign this early. They were frustrated that the TV ads and media statements of prospective candidates contain no reference to the reproductive health position of the church. Maybe the real intent of the bishops is to compel candidates and political parties to include the population program of the church in their electoral agenda. The church is sending a warning to candidates: “Do not endorse the abortion bill or else you will lose in the elections.” At this early, the church wants to define the issues to be tackled in the 2010 elections.

To block the passage of a legislative measure, the most effective tactic is to secure the vote of the person who controls Congress: President Gloria Arroyo. The church used a very clever and cunning ploy to get the support of the president. A few months ago, Archbishop Oscar Cruz urged the priests not to give communion to public sinners. Many people believe he was referring to Arroyo as one of the public sinners. The controversy has died down, but the threat remains. Now the church wants to deny communion to “abortionists.” If the president supports the reproductive health bill, the bishops can quickly summon the faithful to excommunicate abortionists and public sinners. The president got the message. She has recently endorsed the position of the church on reproductive health. The bishops’ “divine intervention” has worked.

The doctrine of the separation of Church and State is enshrined in the Philippine Constitution. Politicians and commentators are using this argument to oppose the unnecessary meddling of some bishops in the work of Congress. But the church has every right to speak on political, social, and economic issues. It has an obligation to guide the faithful in fighting the evils in society. What we should resist are the extremist, dogmatic and anti-women doctrines of the church. Accusing reproductive health supporters as abortionists is harsh and unfair. It reflects the “terrorist” mindset of some members of the clergy. The church should struggle to become a progressive, not reactionary and conservative force in society.

Most likely the church will succeed in preventing the enactment of a reproductive health bill. Church leaders and their supporters will declare a victory of good versus evil, of life over death. But it’s a sad victory. It is the women and children who will suffer most if a comprehensive reproductive health program is not implemented. Reproductive rights are human rights. The life of the unborn is as sacred as the lives of the living.


Related entries:

Population debate
Religion and politics
Church and economic doctrines

posted by: mongpalatino at July 20, 2008 19:52 | link | comments |
workers

Thursday, 17 July 2008
Typhoon 101

Links: Medical education in Brunei. Political blogging in Cambodia. Tag clouds wordle: mongster.

A Nagueno in Blogosphere is correct. The website Typhoon2000.com is very useful and informative.

PAGASA's weather forecasts are reliable most of the time. But local officials and ordinary citizens who want to validate PAGASA's weather reports may visit the website Typhoon2000.com.

The website offers useful resources on disaster preparation, history of strong typhoon occurrences in the country, and various scientific data on tropical cyclones.
The website features regular weather updates which can guide local leaders to prepare early and effectively when a storm is about to hit their towns. Satellite images of tropical cyclones are uploaded. Illustrative charts and graphs show the size of typhoons.

Easy-to-follow instructions are given to help track the directions of tropical cyclones. Through the use of a simple online tool, local leaders can determine whether a storm will move towards their area of responsibility. The people can be advised early to prepare for the coming storm. This will minimize the typhoon casualties.

Definitions

Chris Landsea provides the technical definition of the following:

A tropical cyclone is the "generic term for a non-frontal synoptic scale low-pressure system over tropical or sub-tropical waters with thunderstorm activity and definite cyclonic surface wind circulation."

Tropical cyclones with maximum sustained surface winds of less than 39 mph are called tropical depressions. Once the tropical cyclone reaches winds of at least 39 mph they are called a tropical storm. A name is assigned for the tropical storm. If winds reach 74 mph, then they are called typhoon.

Storm signals

PAGASA uses the following guidelines for Philippine storm signals:

Signal 1 - Winds of 30-60 kilometers per hour (kph) may be expected in at least 36 hours or intermittent rains may be expected within 36 hours.

Signal 2 - Winds of greater than 60 kph and up to 100 kph may be expected in at least 24 hours.

Signal 3 - Winds greater than 100 kph up to 185 kph may be expected in at least 18 hours.

Signal 4 - Very strong winds of more than 185 kph may be expected in at least 12 hours.

During storm signal 1, rice crop may suffer significant damage when it is in its flowering stage. The people are advised to listen to the latest severe weather bulletin issued by PAGASA every six hours.

During storm signal 2, some old galvanized iron roofings may be destroyed. The coastal waters are dangerous to small boats. Children are advised to postpone their outdoor activities.

During storm signal 3, there may be widespread disruption of electrical power and communication services. The sea will be very dangerous to all types of seacrafts.

During storm signal 4, most residential and institutional buildings may be severely damaged. All travels and outdoor activities should be canceled.

Watch out for the eye of storm during storm signals 3 and 4. The passage of the eye of the typhoon is indicated "by a sudden occurrence of fair weather immediately after very bad weather." Many people have mistaken this brief calm period as a sign that the storm has quieted down. PAGASA warns that 1-2 hours after the passage of the eye, the worst weather will resume with very strong winds.

Worst disasters

Dominic Alojado and David Michael V. Padua have compiled a list of the strongest and deadliest typhoon disasters in the country. Their report should be read by local and national leaders so that the latter will appreciate the importance of efficient disaster preparation programs. So many lives were lost due to slow relief and rescue efforts every time a natural disaster hits the country.

The year 1970 was memorable not only because of successive and massive student demonstration during the first quarter of the year which came to be known as the First Quarter Storm. With only a few days and weeks as interval, three super typhoons wrought havoc in many populated areas of the country during the third quarter of the year. Super Typhoon Sening was the most popular in this "triplet" super typhoon.

1993 was also memorable since 32 typhoons hit the country on that year alone. Typhoon Kadiang was famous because it unleashed the lahar and other volcanic debris from Mt. Pinatubo. The lahar mudflows buried several towns in Pampanga.

Tropical Storm Uring was the deadliest natural disaster of the country. More than five thousand people died on November 1991 when the storm struck the Visayas regions. A billion pesos worth of properties were destroyed. Tropical Storm Uring triggered the Ormoc flashfloods in Leyte. There were many dead bodies in Ormoc which caused a shortage of coffins in the city.

The country's most powerful typhoon in history occurred only two years ago. Super Typhoon Reming hit north Visayas and the Bicol region with winds of 320 kph. The super typhoon devastated Legazpi City and Albay province. Legazpi was submerged for many days. Volcanic debris from Mt. Mayon buried thousands of houses. More than one thousand people perished. (Remember the Albay lawmakers who stayed in Manila to push for a Charter Change despite the terrible damage inflicted by Reming in the Bicol region?)

Super Typhoon Ruping is considered the country's most devastating typhoon which left more damage than any other typhoon had done. On November 1990 Ruping battered the whole Mindanao, Visayas, Central Luzon, Metro Manila, Bicol and Southern Tagalog regions. The super typhoon affected more than one million families or at least five million persons. Ruping destroyed ten billion pesos worth of properties.

Related entries:

Storm Milenyo
Refugee nation
Disaster preparation
Guimaras oil spill

posted by: mongpalatino at July 17, 2008 12:53 | link | comments (1) |
nation

Tuesday, 15 July 2008
125 pa rin!

Links: Brunei’s blog of the year. Cat welfare society in Singapore. Different types of lecturers in Malaysian schools.

Bloggers Kapihan event: Wanna try the new voting machines of Comelec? Then join the bloggers’ briefing on poll automation, July 19, Saturday, 1pm at the Comelec office in Intramuros.

Workers are still demanding a P125 legislated across the board wage increase. Someone asked, “Why P125? Why not higher or lower than P125? What is the basis of P125?”

Flashback to 2001. A student leader asked similar questions to an Ibon Foundation researcher. The reply of the Ibon researcher was simple: “There is no statistical basis for the P125 wage hike petition. The P125 demand has become a political battlecry of workers.”

The student leaders were astounded. They wanted a scientific explanation behind the P125 wage campaign. They asked for inflation rates, purchasing power of the peso, price comparison of basic commodities. But the Ibon researcher, who can easily cite the requested figures, was very firm in arguing that the right of workers for higher wages is ultimately a political struggle. The wage hike campaign reflects the class struggle in society. Who should prevail in the appropriation of profit: workers or capitalists? It is the competing political and social forces which decide the distribution of wealth in society.

Therefore, support for the P125 campaign is not just a gesture of compassion to the exploited worker whose minimum wage is not enough to survive today but also an affirmation of the right of workers to receive a “larger slice in the economic pie” of society.

A short history of the P125 campaign: It was August 1999, during the Estrada presidency, when workers first shouted the demand for a P125 wage increase. Alex of Bulatlat writes:

“Back then, the average family living wage for a family of six was P379.51 a day on a national average, based on data from the National Wages and Productivity Commission (NWPC). In contrast, the daily minimum wage stood at a national average of P193.67. A P125 wage increase at that time would have brought the national average minimum wage to P318.67 or P60.84 short of the national average family living wage that year.”

Today the minimum wage is P382 and the daily cost of living is almost P900. Even if the P125 wage hike is granted, the minimum wage is still not enough to pay for the daily expenses of workers. But workers are not greedy; they only want a P125 salary increase.

The Kilusang Mayo Uno has been successful in articulating a P125 wage hike demand. Everytime the issue of a wage hike is raised in the public, many are already associating it to the P125 wage hike demand of the militant labor center in the country.

The P125 campaign should be more than just bridging the gap between minimum wage and daily cost of living. It involves the need to radicalize the thinking of the people about the right of workers to earn more from their hardwork.


*****************************************

Impressions to the P125 wage hike campaign in 1999: Big protest actions of labor unions. Estrada, who ridiculed these rallies, was called a “rambotete” by Joma Sison. Saksi (?) was broadcasted live in front of the protesting workers in Mendiola. Mike Enriquez was there. We sang the International – my first time to sing it in a rally. Teddy Casino became the spokesman of Bayan. Before Edsa Dos, Nat Santiago was the more popular mass leader of Bayan.


*****************************************

Back to the demand of the students for equation, formula, scientific basis. It reminds me of a character in Charles Dicken’s novel, Hard Times. Thomas Gradgrind is

“A man of realities. A man of facts and calculations. A man who proceeds upon the principle that two and two are four, and nothing over, and who is not to be talked into allowing for anything over.”

And his principle in teaching:

“Now, what I want is, Facts. Teach these boys and girls nothing but Facts. Facts alone are wanted in life. Plant nothing else, and root out everything else. You can only form the minds of reasoning animals upon Facts: nothing else will ever be of any service to them...In this life, we want nothing but Facts, Sir; nothing but Facts!”


*****************************************

A worker shared this story: A police patrol saw some activists spray-painting a public wall with P125 wage hike slogans. Instead of arresting the activists, the policemen said some encouraging words about the justness of a wage hike.

A noise barrage was held last week in different parts of Metro Manila. In our area, police officers, security guards and traffic enforcers did not bother to prevent our protest action.

President Gloria Arroyo wants the police and military to monitor closely the peace and order situation especially in light of worsening hunger and energy crisis in the country. She should monitor a possible unrest in the ranks of the police and military. Soldiers and police also have families who are complaining about the rising cost of living.

Monitor the peace and order situation? It’s too late. A people’s war is raging in the countryside. Forget food riots.


******************************************

I learned some new acronyms. UL means Union Leave. GMA is General Membership Assembly. And GMAs are not held during payday. Why? Because during payday, workers usually hurry out of factories after work to buy the cheapest goods in the wet and dry market. And they have to queue in front of NFA rice stores.

CBA stands for Collective Bargaining Agreement. Then what is IBA? Individual Bargaining Agreement. Sadly, in many countries, IBA is quickly being adopted. The individual worker is left alone to defend and promote his/her rights.

A unique rally was held today. No chanting. No shouting. Just a solemn march of workers from Espana to Plaza Miranda in Manila. Written on a large streamer: Dahan-dahan kaming pinapatay ni Gloria sa kagutuman at kahirapan. Indeed, low wages, rising prices of goods and here comes IBA. Solve poverty by killing the workers? Hard times, harsh times. Revolution!

Related entries:

Rice revolution
Ibang rali ito
Mao as educator
Labor education

posted by: mongpalatino at July 15, 2008 22:08 | link | comments |
workers

Friday, 11 July 2008
Solidarity needed in Southeast Asia

Links: Top 6 blogs of Brunei. Indonesians in West Java are flocking to the malls to pray. An NGO workers describes a slum area in Cambodia. Thailand no longer using the telegraph service.

Partly provoked by Slavoj Zizek's bold assertion: "It is a unified Europe, not Third World resistance to American imperialism, that is the only feasible counterpoint to the USA and China as the two global superpowers. The Left should unashamedly appropriate the slogan of a unified Europe as a counterwight to Americaned globalism." What do you think?


Regional kinship in Southeast Asia is weak or nonexistent. We perceive ourselves as Asians in general; but not residents of the Southeast Asian region. There is little interaction among people in the region. Economic cooperation is minimal. Political events in one country hardly make an impact on the politics of a neighboring country.

Filipinos are so busy being Filipinos that they have forgotten their shared heritage with the rest of the people in Southeast Asia. The same can be said of other nationalities in the region. But nationalism is not the only reason why regional affinity is practically absent in Southeast Asia.

The colonial experience of countries in the region is partly to blame for the problem. Foreign occupation interrupted the long and productive relations of small and big kingdoms in the region. Centuries of Western domination have blurred this important historical period.

There was an opportunity to promote regional solidarity through the various national struggles for independence in the last century. But this was never achieved. Intellectuals and revolutionary leaders like Jose Rizal and Ho Chi Minh were able to inspire many people in the region. But in the end, each country was left to fight for its own interests. In short, Southeast Asians could not invoke a single memorable event when people in the region fought together against a common enemy.

The formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations was significant in some ways; but ASEAN remains an impotent political body. It is a regional grouping whose constituents do not appreciate its objectives. ASEAN is merely a joint venture between governments and its programs rarely involve the participation of the people.

Disunity in Southeast Asia is also indicated by the lack of interest among its people to know more about the social conditions and cultures of their neighbors. Southeast Asians are more knowledgeable about the lives of Americans or Europeans than about the people in their own region. The effect is the inability of the people to empathize with the problems of Southeast Asian countries. Clueless to the situations of their neighbors, even governments fail to determine the right time to act in assisting countries which need help.

For example, the rising prices of rice, food and petroleum products could have had less negative impact in Southeast Asia if there was genuine regional cooperation.

Thailand is the world’s largest exporter of rice. Vietnam and Cambodia are also producing rice in large quantities. But their neighbor, the Philippines, is the biggest rice importer in the world. Singapore and Brunei are also rice importers. If from the very beginning there was a regional initiative to assure rice supplies in Southeast Asia, price speculation in the market would have been minimized. But rice producing countries have inflamed public panic by restricting rice exports even within the region.

Oil prices continue to climb higher, hurting the economies of many developing countries. Instead of sharing energy sources, Southeast Asian countries are closing the doors on their neighbors. Brunei wants to limit the number of cars from Malaysia which can pump gas from the tiny but oil-rich nation. For its part, Malaysia also wants fewer Singapore cars queuing at its gas stations.

There is no regional effort to develop new gas and oil fields. Alternative energy has a lot of potential in the region. Geothermal power can be harnessed in Indonesia and the Philippines. Thailand has numerous projects which aim to tap solar power. If ASEAN were truly about cooperation, it could start discussions on how to stabilize energy supplies in the region.

Rescue efforts spearheaded by ASEAN in the aftermath of the cyclone disaster in Myanmar in May were disorganized, negligible and very late. The slow response of governments and civic organizations was further proof of the lack of unity in the region and the failure of the people of Southeast Asia to imagine themselves as belonging to one regional community.

Perhaps the best example of the deep division in the region is the ongoing campaign of Malaysia to evict more than 300,000 illegal immigrants on the island of Borneo. Most of these workers come from the Philippines and Indonesia. The crackdown has been violent in the past. During times of economic crisis, the migrants are blamed for crimes, lack of jobs and worsening poverty in Malaysia. It is peculiar that within Southeast Asia, a racial campaign to drive out illegal migrants is taking place. This usually happens in Europe.

Rich countries like the United States have been exploiting the lack of unity in the region to further their political and economic agenda. For example the Philippines, which once hosted the biggest U.S. military bases, was used as a launching pad by the Americans to attack Vietnam and many parts of Indochina four decades ago.

Emerging superpower China taunts ASEAN by maintaining close relations with the ruling junta of Myanmar. China is almost succeeding in its bid to claim ownership of the Spratly Islands since ASEAN countries are not united on the issue.

One way to counteract the hegemony of the United States, China or any other superpower in the region is to build a unified Southeast Asia. A unified Southeast Asia could also match the economic and political clout of bigger and richer countries in Asia like China, Japan and South Korea.

ASEAN has to be overhauled. Malaysians, Filipinos, Indonesians and the rest of the people of Southeast Asia should also learn to identify themselves as Southeast Asians.

Failure to embark on this modernizing project will not only allow rich countries to retain their influence in the region, it will also give incentive to extremist groups who are already successful in ignoring national boundaries in order to recruit more members and launch terror attacks in the region.

Related entries:

Myanmar and relief invasion
ASEAN human rights
ASEAN summit

posted by: mongpalatino at July 11, 2008 17:11 | link | comments |
places

Monday, 07 July 2008
Trahedya

Links: Top 100 blogs of Thailand. Rats in the Singapore Philatelic Museaum. Inacraft 2008 in Indonesia. Funny street signs in Cambodia.

Sinulat para sa Tinig, Pebrero 2006.

Mahalaga ang tanong ni Kelvin Rodolfo sa aklat niyang “The Politics of Lahar”. Ang bulkang Pinatubo ba ay hinayaang tumubo (allowed to grow) o sadyang tumubo (made to grow)? Ilang beses na kasing inulat ng mga Ayta ang kakaibang napapansin nila sa bundok mula nang lumindol noong 1990 at sinimulan ang isang geothermal drilling sa Pinatubo pero hindi pa rin kinilala ang panganib na maaring nitong likhain.

Sumabog ang Pinatubo, bumulwak ang lahar at naging disyerto ang maraming bayan sa Gitnang Luzon. Magiging malaki pa rin kaya ang pinsala kung maagang pinansin ang mga indikasyong malapit nang sumabog ang Pinatubo?

Ngayon ay nagigimbal tayo sa trahedyang sinapit ng mga kababayan natin sa Leyte.

Sabi ng mga environmentalist, maiiwasan sana ang maraming bilang ng mga nasawi kung may plano ang pamahalaan noon kung paano paghahandaan ang pagguho ng lupa sa St. Bernard dahil may gumuho ng lupa sa karatig na bayan nito.

Batid ng pamahalaan na isang posibilidad ang pagguho ng lupa sa St. Bernard lalo na’t ang pagdating ng La Nina sa bansa ay nangangahulugan ng malalakas na pagpatak ng ulan. Pero wala pa ring aksiyon o paghahanda. Tuloy ang ilegal na pangangahoy, tuloy ang pagmimina.

Bakit nga naman papansinin ang St. Bernard; ilan lang ba ang botante dito? Noon ay hindi rin pinansin ang silangang bahagi ng Pinatubo dahil ang matataong lugar lamang sa kanluran (sa panig ng Olongapo) ang binigyan ng prayoridad ng mga pulitiko.

Sanay na tayo sa mga kalamidad. Mahigit dalawampung bagyo taun-taon ang dumarating sa bansa at laging may panganib ng lindol o pagsabog ng bulkan. Pero bakit atrasado pa rin ang ating kasanayan at gamit upang paghandaan ang mga sakuna? Bakit daan-daan o libu-libo ang kailangang mamatay sa mga sakunang napakadali namang matukoy kung paano maiiwasan?

Kung tutuusin ay dapat tayong mga Pilipino ang may abanteng kaalaman, pananaliksik at instrumento ukol sa mga lindol, pagsabog ng bulkan at iba pang galaw sa kailaliman ng lupa.

Kaso imposible itong mangyari kung ang pamahalaan ay abala sa pagnanakaw ng pera ng bayan, pagbabayad ng utang sa banyaga at paghuhubog ng mga estudyanteng marunong magsalita ng “yes, ma’am” imbes na buhusan ng salapi ang pag-aaral at paglinang ng agham sa bansa.

Masyado tayong mayabang na nasa atin ang rekord ng pinakamaraming taong naghahalikan, pinakamalaking sisig, pinakamahabang linya ng nilutong bangus o talong at iba pang pakulo ng mga pulitiko samantalang hindi natin pinag-iisipan ang pagpapaunlad ng kasanayan kung paano magliligtas ng maraming buhay.

Oo na, lahi na tayo ng magagaling na boksingero at magagandang dilag pero pwede ba pagtuunan din natin ng pansin ang pagpapakahusay kung paano tayo aangkop sa mga baha, lindol, bagyo, pagguho ng lupa, atbp? Kahiya-hiya na sikat na arkipelago ang Pilipinas pero maraming barkong lumulubog dito. Kahiya-hiya na hinahayaan nating nakawin ng mga dayuhan ang ating yamang mineral dahil wala tayong alam kung paano gamitin ang ating likas na yaman sa pag-unlad.

Pwedeng sisihin si Gloria Arroyo kung bakit maraming namamatay sa sunud-sunod na trahedyang dumarating sa bansa. Sa kabila ng nangyari sa Aurora at Quezon noong 2004, tuloy pa rin ang pangangahoy. Sa kabila ng nangyari sa Marinduque at Rapu-Rapu, bukas pa rin ang bansa sa pagmimina.

At tulad ni George W. Bush na nalantad ang pagwaldas ng pera ng Amerika sa gera sa Iraq nang walang sapat na tulong na ibinigay sa mga nasalanta ng ipo-ipong Katrina, malalantad din ang mga hungkag na pulisiya ni Arroyo sa pananalapi, kalikasan at ekonomiya.

Related entries:

Preserve mineral wealth
Super republic
Milenyo aftermath


**********************

The Politics of Lahar - unang aklat na binili ko sa UP Press noong 1996.

posted by: mongpalatino at July 07, 2008 22:49 | link | comments |
nation

Sunday, 06 July 2008
Ship of state. The lower deck is on top

Links: Dubious poverty statistics in Cambodia. Cyrene blogging carnival in Singapore. Laos and the map of the world’s happiness. Racism in Brunei.

In the opening pages of Jose Rizal’s El Filibusterismo, the steamer Tabo was described as a Ship of State. Sulpicio’s MV Princess of the Stars can also be likened to a Ship of State. The ferry tragedy can be compared to the “sinking” of Philippine society. Everything seems to be falling today – the economy, politics, culture, values.

Before it capsized, the 23,824-tonne vessel was the pride of Sulpicio Lines. It was the largest ship of the company. Built only in 1984, the vessel can be described as modern for Philippine standards. But the Princess of the Stars is now a “graveyard of the seas.”

The government and its apologists are insisting that the Philippines has a robust economy. In a matter of years, they said the country will become a “first world” society. The economic fundamentals are strong. President Gloria Arroyo’s policies are working. But the same government is admitting today that inflation is high, jobs are few, and prices of commodities are rising. Lifeline subsidies and other token reforms are given to the poor to conceal the gravity of the economic crisis.

The captain of the ill-fated ferry was aware of the typhoon in central Philippines. Instead of taking precautionary steps, the captain decided to sail in the middle of the storm. Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales was correct; it was an act of foolishness.

The neoliberal economic doctrine has been proven ineffective in many parts of the world, including the Philippines. The policies of privatization, deregulation and liberalization have caused more hardships in the country. Instead of adopting a different economic framework, the government and market fundamentalists want more doses of neoliberalism. Recidivist ship captain; recidivist economists.

Officials of Sulpicio Lines have blamed everyone except themselves for the sinking of their vessel. They blamed God, weather forecasters and coast guard authorities for the sea tragedy. They failed to admit their liability. President Arroyo and her minions have also blamed everyone except themselves for the worsening problems of the country. They are always accusing the opposition, leftists, journalists and other government critics of causing disunity in the country.

There is no doubt that the management of Sulpicio Lines should take the primary responsibility for the death of more than 700 passengers and crew members of the Princess of the Stars ferry. But government is guilty as well. Why was the ship allowed to leave the north harbour in Manila? Who inspected the ship which contained tons of toxic pesticide endosulfan?

This latest maritime accident is another reminder about the outdated weather forecasting system in the country. Is there really no hope for Pag-asa?

Sea travel is vital in this nation of more than 7,000 islands. But marine transportation remains pre-modern. The country has yet to acquire the Global Maritime Distress and Safety System which would have improved emergency communications for the shipping industry. Obviously, this is not a priority of the government.

President Arroyo showed insensitivity to the sufferings of her constituents when she remained in the United States despite the ferry accident and the flooding in Panay. This is the same president who once postponed an important summit of Asian leaders due to a typhoon. Apparently, the sinking of a big passenger ship and the shocking devastation caused by typhoon Frank were not enough reasons to postpone the president’s state visit to the U.S.

Is this true: The president is severe towards Sulpicio Lines so that her cronies can dominate the shipping industry?

Before demanding the cancellation of the company’s license, remember that Sulpicio Lines employs more than 7,000 workers. These workers and their families do not deserve punishment.

Let us go back to Rizal’s novel. The steamer Tabo has two decks. Note the arrangement of the passengers:

“On the lower deck appear brown faces and black heads, wedged in between bales of merchandise and boxes... Seated on benches or small wooden stools among valises, boxes, and baskets, a few feet from the engines, in the heat of the boilers, amid the human smells and the pestilential odor of oil, were to be seen the great majority of the passengers.

“While there on the upper deck, beneath an awning that protects them from the sun, are seated in comfortable chairs a few passengers dressed in the fashion of Europeans, friars, and government clerks, each with his puro cigar, and gazing at the landscape.”

Rizal cleverly used the steamer as a metaphor to depict the inequality in Philippine society. The upper deck is for the few elite while the lower deck belongs to the poor majority.

Like the steamer Tabo, the Princess of the Stars ferry is a symbol of Philippine society. But something is quite different. The doomed ferry is upturned. The lower deck is now on top. Whether it was an act of God or human folly, some strong force has caused this shocking event. The ship is now inverted.

Perhaps the most memorable image in this tragedy is the protruded hull of the capsized ship. The scene is almost difficult to imagine. It rarely happens in real life. But the sight of the overturned ship will overwhelm us for quite some time.

Actually, the haunting image allows us to imagine a possible event in the future. A storm, a volcanic eruption, some destructive but creative force will hit the country one day. The “lower deck” will be on top. I’m not referring anymore to a natural disaster and the lower deck is no longer about the steamer Tabo in Rizal’s novel. Welcome to the Real of the future!

Related entries:

Refugee nation
Disaster preparedness
Deped library
Naminghoy ming tanan
One island
Imperial Manila

posted by: mongpalatino at July 06, 2008 22:25 | link | comments |
workers

Thursday, 03 July 2008
The Philippines' failed nuclear experiment

Links: Have you ever played a Cambodian chess? Tips for trekking in Laos. Thailand's bank notes. Internat game Miss Bimbo is popular in Brunei.

Southeast Asia: Alternative sources of energy, a roundup for Global Voices. Thanks Manolo for the link.

Nuclear power is not necessarily evil and dangerous. It currently provides 15 percent of the world’s electricity. Scientists have been working hard to reduce the usual risks associated with nuclear energy. Unless new sources of energy are discovered, the world should consider the nuclear option as one of the solutions to the energy woes of many countries.

Environmentalists remind us that the problem of nuclear waste disposal has not been solved. This is a valid warning. Scientists must find ways to eliminate the dangers posed by radioactive emissions.

Meanwhile, many countries which are burdened by rising oil prices are now studying the option of tapping nuclear power for their energy needs. For example, Malaysia has set up a nuclear monitoring laboratory to allow scientists to assess the safety of atomic energy. The government believes it will take about 15 years to build a nuclear plant.

Indonesia is planning to build four nuclear power plants in the next two decades. The first of these plants will start operation on 2016 in Central Java on the slopes of Mount Muria. A new law was approved in Vietnam which allows the use of nuclear energy. Construction of a four-turbine nuclear power plant will start in 2015 and be completed in 2025. By this time, nuclear power is expected to account for 10 percent of Vietnam's total electricity supply.

Global warming is another reason why many governments are suddenly keen on using nuclear energy. Thailand justifies its proposal to build a nuclear plant by pointing out that 60 percent of the greenhouse gases generated by the country come from the energy sector. Nuclear energy is seen by some leaders as the most economic and environmentally friendly option in confronting climate change while addressing the energy requirements of developing countries.

It seems many governments in Southeast Asia are determined to use nuclear power in the near future. They are advised to review their plans carefully and learn from the experience of the Philippines, which constructed a nuclear plant 30 years ago but failed to generate electricity from that source.

During the first oil price shock in the early 1970s, the Philippine government decided to build a nuclear plant. The opposition claimed it was a knee-jerk reaction to the oil crisis. There were cheaper sources of energy at that time, like hydropower and geothermal energy. But others insisted the project proved the sincerity of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, who had earlier vowed to make the country an industrial hub in the region.

The nuclear plant was the costliest venture in the Philippines. More than US$2 billion worth of foreign loans were spent to build the plant but it didn’t generate a single watt of electricity. It remains the biggest white elephant in the country’s history. It has become a symbol of corruption and crony capitalism in the Philippines.

From the very beginning, the nuclear plant undertaking was politicized. Marcos awarded the project to a losing bidder. Marcos’ cronies bagged several subcontracts for the project. The cost of the plant was overpriced due to several commissions – read bribes – given to high-ranking Filipino politicians.

It usually takes six years to study the safety of a nuclear plant. In 1978 the Philippine nuclear plant was visited by one expert for two weeks. In 1992 the government sent a three-man panel to inspect the site for one week. In both instances, the experts concluded that the nuclear plant was safe to operate.

An independent inspection conducted by several technical experts disagreed with the findings of the government-commissioned reports. Filipino scientists discovered that the reactor had 200 defects. Safety issues were raised by the Philippine Atomic Energy Commission about the damaged containment structure, unshielded electric cables and faulty steam generator. In 1990 another independent study pointed out the structural weaknesses of the plant. The report mentioned the deficiencies in the component cooling system, quality assurance program, and emergency power system.

The design of the nuclear plant was also not applicable for the Philippines. The plant builder adopted Yugoslavia’s Krsko plant as the model for its project in the Philippines. But the two countries have different weather and geographical conditions. The same design for ventilation and cooling cannot be used for both sites.

The site of the Philippine nuclear plant was not chosen wisely. The location was only nine kilometers away from an active volcano. It was also within 25 miles of three geologic faults. The Philippines is located in the Pacific Ring of Fire, which means volcanic eruptions and earthquakes are common in the country.

When Marcos was ousted from power in 1986, the nuclear plant was not yet finished. The succeeding government mothballed the plant because of strong local opposition.

The failure of the Philippines in its attempt to use nuclear energy can be traced to corruption. The nuclear plant, if designed and constructed properly, could have been used to avert a power blackout in the 1980s. The power crisis not only plunged the whole country into darkness, it crippled the local economy, especially the manufacturing sector.

There is a proposal to revive the nuclear plant in light of skyrocketing oil prices. But environmentalists, activists, economists and even some scientists are opposing it. They believe it is too expensive and risky. It will take some time, perhaps a long time, before debates on the use of nuclear power can proceed without mentioning the Philippines’ painful experience to build a nuclear plant three decades ago.

Southeast Asian governments should not repeat the mistakes committed by the Philippine government. As much as possible, the role of elected politicians in overseeing the construction of energy infrastructure must be minimized. Public experts must strive to be more independent. The project must be transparent by involving people’s organizations in the process.

Related entries:

Oil alternatives
 Remove Evat on oil
Transport strike

posted by: mongpalatino at July 03, 2008 23:31 | link | comments |
nation

Wednesday, 02 July 2008
Amirah Lidasan: Huwarang lider-kababaihan

Links: Bangkok is polluted but its “green.” Street food of Vietnam. Krupuk, or fried fish cracker in Indonesia. Assessing the western media coverage of Fiji.

Ininterbyu ko si Amirah noong 2003 para sa The Filipino Student, opisyal na publikasyon ng National Union of Students of the Philippines. Heto ang ilan sa mga tanong-sagot na pinagbatayan ng artikulong sinulat ko…


Para sa mga kapwa niya Moro, siya ang matapang na lider ng Moro Christian People’s Alliance. Madalas na napapanood sa TV, nagpapaliwanag at bumabatikos sa mga mapaniil na patakaran ng pamahalaan.

Para sa National Union of Students of the Philippines, siya ang masigasig na lider ng Unyon noong ikalawang hati ng nakaraang dekada. Siya ang sumulat ng makasaysayang Critique on Education 2000, ang batayang dokumento sa pag-unawa ng sistema ng edukasyon sa bansa sa ilalim ng rehimeng Ramos.

Siya si Amirah Ali Lidasan, mula sa tribong Iranon ng Maguindanao, dating tagapangulo ng Unyon, at tinitingala ngayon bilang isa sa mga respetadong lider ng bansa.

Magkahalong tuwa at gulat ang naging reaksiyon ni Amirah nang sabihin naming siya ang napiling huwarang alumna ng Unyon ngayong taon. Marahil hindi niya batid ang malaking paghanga sa kanya ng bagong henerasyon ng mga miyembro ng NUSP. Ang paninindigan niya laban sa todong gerang inilunsad ni dating Pangulong Estrada sa mamamayang Moro, hanggang sa kasalukuyang pagbatikos niya sa gerang agresyon ng Estados Unidos sa Afghanistan man o sa Basilan ang nagtulak sa amin na kilalanin siya bilang modelong lider ng NUSP.

Iilan na lamang ba ang katulad ni Amirah na handang talikuran ang payapa at komportableng buhay upang harapin ang suliranin ng lipunan at ng kanyang mga kapatid na Moro?

Sa mga susunod na talata ay mababasa natin ang maikling interbyu kay Amirah kung saan malalaman natin ang mga naging tampok na isyu sa kanyang termino. Masusulyapan din natin ang isang buhay na masasabi nating prinsipyado, makabayan at makabuluhan.

Binabago ni Amirah ang stereotyping sa isang babaeng Moro na ikinikahon ng pyudal na kultura bilang pambahay lamang. Tunay ngang isang kakaibang Moro ang ating huwarang lider. Isang karangalan para sa atin na bago siya naging Amirah Lidasan ng MCPA, naging Amirah Lidasan muna siya ng NUSP.

1. Ano ang pinagkakaabalahan mo ngayon?

Ako ang secretary-general ng Moro-Christian People's Alliance. Ang MCPA ay isang interfaith organization ng mga Muslim at Kristiyanong indibidwal at mga organisasyon na nagtataguyod ng mga karapatan at kagalingan ng mamamayang Moro; at kumikilalala at nagsusulong ng karapatan nila sa sariling pagpapasya or right to self-determination.

2. Bago ka sumali sa NUSP, ano ang mga pinagkaabalahan mo bilang estudyante?

Naging miyembro ako UP Muslim Students and Alumni Association. Sa kolehiyo namin, College of Mass Communication, sumali ako sa Union of Journalists of the Philippines. Noong kasagsagan ng kampanya laban sa tuition increase sa UP noong 1993, sumali ako sa Center for Nationalist Studies (CNS) at dito ako namulat sa mga isyung pulitikal sa loob at labas ng eskuwelahan. Dahil sa CNS, nakasali ako sa mga rali laban sa GATT at iba pang isyung panlipunan na nagpapahirap sa bansa noong 1993 at 1994. Dahil din sa CNS ay nakasama ako sa welga ng mga manggagawa ng Shoemart.

3. Paano ka naging miyembro ng NUSP?

Noong 1994 ay tumakbo ako sa aming kolehiyo bilang presidente ng konseho. Ako ay nanalo at tumayo na rin bilang college representative sa University Student Council. Katatapos lang ng tuition increase sa UP noon, tumaas mula P200 hanggang P300 per unit. Matindi din ang isyu ng mga manggagawa ng UP noon. Panahon na rin kasi ito nang magsimula ang UP na kumuha ng mga agency para sa mga janitor at gwardiya.

Sa labas ng eskwelahan maingay ang mga protesta laban sa GATT. Matindi ang partisipasyon ng ilang estudyante galing UP na sumasama sa mga protesta sa Malakanyang at Senado.

Nagsimula na rin akong maging aktibo sa mga student council organization. Lumahok ako sa Kasama sa UP Convention noong 1994 sa Miag-ao, Iloilo at sa NUSP sa Naga City. Sa NUSP convention noong 1994 ay nahirang akong Executive Vice President. Noong 1995 nang magdaos ng special National Council ang NUSP sa Aklan, ang presidente na si Melody Mallari ng UE-Caloocan ay nagbitiw sa puwesto at ako ang pumalit sa kanyang posisyon. Buong taon ng 1995 ay nagsilbi akong national president. Sa kongreso noong 1995 sa Benguet State University, ako naman ay hinirang ng kapulungan bilang secretary-general ng NUSP hanggang 1996.

4. Ano ang mga problemang kinaharap, naigpawan at mga tagumpay na kampanyang sinulong ninyo sa NUSP noon?

Ang pangunahing kinaharap ng NUSP noon ay organizational problem. Matapos ang Naga Congress, lumiliit na ang bilang ng college councils na sumasali sa NUSP. Matindi ang epekto nito sa paglaban ng mga estudyante sa Education 2000 na inilalako na ng rehimeng Ramos noon. Bukod sa organizational problem, may kakulangan din sa pag-aaral ng programang Education 2000. Umabot sa punto na naging mali ang naging pagsusuri at paglaban ng NUSP sa Education 2000.

Nang inihapag ng NUSP ang taktikal na laban sa Education 2000, umabot siya sa pagsusuri na walang krisis ang eduksyon sa bansa at manipestayon nito ay ang patuloy na pagsilbi ng edukasyon at patuloy na paglabas ng mga graduates na nakakatugon sa panganagailangan ng pamahalaan para sa trabaho.

Lito ang NUSP noon sa kampanyang ito at umani ng maraming puna mula sa mga regional chapters nito particularly sa Laguna-Cavite Chapter, Davao at Ilo-ilo. Ito ang mga pangunahing chapters na pinaabutan ng memorandum at inikot ko bilang Presidente ng NUSP upang ilako ang pagsusuri sa Education 2000.

5. Ano sa tingin mo ang naging ambag mo sa NUSP?

Inilabas ng NUSP ang Critique on the Education 2000 noong 1997, mas komprehensibo at malaman sa datos. Naging wasto at higit na kritikal ang papel na inilabas ng NUSP. Ang buod ng pagsusuri: “The crisis of the education system is continuing and intensifying with the release of the Education 2000 program.” Ito ngayon ang sinuportahan at mabilis na naging laban noong 1997 ng NUSP na nagbunsod din ng isa sa pinakamalaking Kongreso ng Unyon noong 1997 sa Cebu City.

Mas naging malakas ang NUSP noong 1996. Isang tunay na organisasyon ng mga student council dahil well-entrenched ito sa grassroots. Bukod sa pangunguna sa kampanya laban sa tuition increase noong first quarter ng 1997, pinangunahan muli ng NUSP ang taktikal na laban sa Education 2000. Bukod dito, nanguna din ang NUSP sa paglaban ng karapatan ng mag-aaral - tumulong sa pagtatayo ng mga student councils sa Metro Manila na siyang naging hudyat ng pagbubuo muli ng Metro-Manila Chapter nito.

6. Nakatulong ba ang NUSP sa mga ginagawa mo ngayon?

Malaking tulong ang NUSP sa political development ko. Nagbukas ito sa akin ng buhay labas sa UP. Dati, napaka-undecided ko after college. Nasa isip ko talaga pagkatapos ng graduation ay magtrabaho o kaya mag-aral ulit (MA Islamic Studies); pagkatapos babalik ng probinsya namin sa Mindanao para magturo dun.

Pagkatapos sa NUSP, naging volunteer ako sa isang workers federation sa KMU at nang sumiklab ang all-out war sa Mindanao noong 1999, nagvolunteer naman ako sa Karapatan sa Moro human rights desk. Noong 2000, naging founding member ako ng Moro-Christian People's Alliance.

“My decision to continue with student activism paved the way for me to work with the people I belong to: the Moro People. Had I not chosen NUSP over my work and contented life in Maguindanao, I would not have understood the raging war in my province. Like the rest of the Moro people who graduated and became part of the mainstream professionals in the country, I think I would not have been vocal against the violations of the rights of the Moro people. NUSP prepared me for a longer and harder battle that I am facing now, how to help the Moro people fight for their rights and to survive the militarist campaigns of the Philippine government.”

7. Ano ang plano mo sa hinaharap?

Gusto kong isipin na sana ay tuloy-tuloy na ang pagtulong ko sa pakikibaka ng mga kapatid kong mamamayang Moro. Ang gusto ko din ay bumalik uli sa aming probinsya, hindi bilang isang anak na magtatrabaho at magsesettle down sa homeland, kundi bilang isang anak na bumabalik upang tumulong na paigtingin ang pakikibaka ng mamamayan na kinabibilangan ko, ang mamamayang Moro. Ang pag-uwi ko ay hindi ibig sabihin sa pag-iwan ng trabaho sa MCPA. ang ibig sabihin lang nito ay ang paglago ng MCPA sa iba't ibang probinsya partikular sa Mindanao.

Related entries:

USC history
South Mindanao
Tibak sarbey

posted by: mongpalatino at July 02, 2008 14:24 | link | comments |
youth